Thomas Perez, Assistant Attorney General for the Civil Rights Division (CRD) in the Department of Justice (DOJ), is the quintessential Obama appointee – capable of feeling the proverbial pea of discrimination under a thousand mattresses. A self-styled redeemer, Perez aims to save the weak and the exploited from the ravages of America’s purportedly intractable bigotry. His passion for this mission recently prompted him to tell an American Constitution Society (ACS) gathering, to enthusiastic applause: “I love this job.” Elaborating on that theme, Perez cited the deep satisfaction he had derived from successfully prosecuting a pair of white racists who had attacked a black man in a South Carolina restaurant. Why, in a nation where black-on-white crimes far outnumber their white-on-black counterparts, did Perez elect to focus on an instance of the latter? Just remember that Perez views the U.S. as a veritable snake pit teeming with racist white vipers, and the question answers itself.
Perez comes to the Obama administration with a wealth of experience as a protector of white racism’s many alleged victims. Indeed, he served as a prosecutor with the Civil Rights Division of Bill Clinton‘s DOJ in the early 1990s, and as that same Division’s Deputy Assistant Attorney General from 1998 to 1999. Also in the Nineties, Perez volunteered for – and later became a board member of – Casa de Maryland – a George Soros-funded advocacy group for illegal aliens. As Michelle Malkin has pointed out, this organization opposes the enforcement of deportation orders for illegals; has condemned the post-9/11 coordination of local, state, and national criminal databases; has published a “know your rights” pamphlet for illegal aliens; supports the granting of driver’s licenses to illegals; favors in-state tuition discounts for illegal-alien students; and laments “the history of domination” that has always afflicted nonwhites in the United States. According to Perez, Americans who call for the strict enforcement of immigration laws are … you guessed it: racists and “xenophobes.”
As a devoted advocate for illegal aliens and the dissolution of America’s borders, Perez found a natural ally in the late Senator Ted Kennedy, a man who never met an immigration scheme he didn’t love – provided, of course, that it was structured to import a massive, permanent Democratic voting bloc and economic underclass into the U.S. Thus, from 1995 to 1998, Perez served as Special Counsel to Kennedy, advising him on civil rights, criminal justice and constitutional issues.
In 1996, Perez was instrumental in facilitating the passage of the Church Arson Prevention Act, a bill founded on the premise that southern black churches were being targeted with disproportionate frequency by (presumably white) arsonists. That premise, it turned out, was 100-percent false. But crusaders like Perez are impressively immune to facts that, were they to be acknowledged, would inconveniently interrupt the self-satisfied, public exhibitions of moral preening that are their stock-in-trade.
Illegal Mexican immigrants and southern black church congregations are only two of the many victim groups to which Perez solemnly pledged his advocacy when he joined the Obama administration. As Byron York reports, Perez has articulated his view that the Civil Rights Division’s role is to help people who are “living in the shadows” – a reference not only to illegal aliens, but also to “our Muslim-American brothers and sisters subject to post-9/11 backlash”; “communities of color disproportionately affected by the subprime meltdown”; “LGBT brothers and sisters … forced to confront discrimination”; and “all too many children lacking quality education.” Such is life, as Perez sees it, in the Good-Ol’ jingoistic, Islamophobic, racist, homophobic, child-hating U.S. of A.
From the moment he first joined the Obama team, Perez pledged to greatly expand the DOJ’s prosecution of alleged hate crimes. Perez also made it clear, as Byron York again informs us, that he would view “disparate impact” as prima facie evidence of discrimination. In other words, if a company makes its hiring or promotion decisions based on the results of employee-aptitude tests on which whites as a group score higher than blacks, or if a particular bank rejects black loan applicants at a higher rate than white applicants, those racial disparities are proof of injustice – period, end of story.
Pages: 1 2