Aside from the fact that practically every week an account of Muslims attacking Copts emerges—whether the destroying of churches, the killing of Copts for wearing crosses, the abducting, raping, and force-converting of Coptic girls—perhaps nothing exemplifies their plight as the following governmental, that is, institutionalized, stipulations:
According to the Second Article of the Egyptian Constitution, Sharia law—which is based on the anti-Christian words of the Quran and prophet Muhammad as contained in the Hadith—is “the principal source of legislation”; and since Dhimmitude is part and parcel of Sharia law, expectations for Copts to behave as subdued, second-class citizens, or Dhimmis, becomes implicit. For instance, and in accordance with the aforementioned stipulations of the Pact of Omar, it is next to impossible for churches to be built.
The Egyptian government likewise makes it next to impossible for Muslims to convert to Christianity (apostasy is a crime under Sharia). Among the more popular cases are Mohammad Hegazy: he tried formally to change his religion from Muslim to Christian on his I.D. card—in Egypt, people are identified by their religion, again, as stipulated in the Pact of Omar —only to be denied by the Egyptian court. Conversely, it takes mere days for Christian converts to Islam to change their religious I.D.
Most recently, several aspects of the Maspero massacre revealed the Egyptian government’s inherent hostility to its Christian citizenry:
Soldiers screamed “Allahu Akbar!” and cursed “Infidels” as they approached and attacked Coptic protesters; a video of an Egyptian soldier boasting that he shot a Christian in the chest is greeted by the crowd around him with “Allahu Akbar!”; and after the incident, Dr. Hind Hanafi, president of the University of Cairo, recommended separating wounded Christians from wounded Muslims admitted into the hospital, thereby institutionalizing religious discrimination, even in hospitals.
Aside from these formalized aspects, Egyptian officials are notorious for turning a blind eye to Muslim mob attacks on Christians and their churches. In fact, it is this governmental complacency—or complicity—regarding attacks on Christians that that caused Copts to demonstrate at Maspero in the first place, before the government, including through the use of snipers, death squads, and tanks that intentionally ran over protesters, initiated the bloodbath that followed.
Anyone familiar with Muslim doctrine and history, especially as it applies to Egypt and the Copts, will find none of the above surprising; rather, the treatment of Copts in the Medieval era and their treatment today demonstrate great continuity—from the destruction of churches to the subjugation of Christians.
However, because there was a lull in this animosity, from the colonial era when Islam was on the wane, to just a few decades ago, most Westerners, deeming events closer to their time and space more representative of reality, ignore the continuum of history and doctrine dealing with persecution, and thus fail to comprehend what is otherwise so obvious and open for the world to see. This is exacerbated by the fact that the articulators of knowledge—the media, academia, and apologists of all stripes—in the name of multiculturalism and political correctness, have made uncomfortable truths all but unknowable.
In short, the evidence of Muslim persecution of Christians in general, persecution of Egyptian Copts in particular, is overwhelming—doctrinally, historically, and currently. What is lacking is a Western paradigm that can accept—and act upon—this evidence.
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