On the contrary, the country’s Immigration Minister, Chris Bowen, reportedly granted him a visa “immediately,” explaining, as Phillip Hudson wrote in the Herald Sun on September 18, that Mustafa “was not on any alert list, not a member of a proscribed terrorist organisation and had no criminal convictions.”
By contrast, at this writing the Australian government is still sitting on a more than three-week-old visa application by another major European figure – namely, Geert Wilders, member of the Dutch parliament, head of the Dutch Freedom Party, and author of the international bestseller Marked for Death.
Wilders, who has been invited by a small Australian group, the Q Society, to give talks in Sydney and Melbourne about the threat of Islam, applied for a visa over three weeks ago but – again, as of this writing – has not yet received it, even though members of his staff and security detail were issued their visas almost at once. In reply to queries, Bowen has said that “it is not unusual for applications to take several weeks for a decision in complex cases.”
What makes Wilders a “complex case”? According to Hayden Cooper of the Australian Broadcasting Corporation, Wilders “is on the Movement Alert List, a database of people of concern to Australia…. his application is held up at the Department of Immigration headquarters in Canberra while more thorough checks are done.” And why is Wilders included on such a list? Cooper attributes it to “his previous brushes with authorities abroad,” namely the 2009 episode in which he was “refused entry to the UK but later appealed and won” and his 2010-11 trials in his own country on charges (of which he was ultimately acquitted) of criminal insult and inciting hatred and discrimination.
Writing on September 19, Cooper said that what he called the “final tricky call” on Wilders’s visa application might end up being made personally by Bowen, who for his part would only say that “no decision ha[d] been made” in Wilders’s case and that “he ha[d] received no advice yet from the department.” It was interesting to observed that Bowen, who went out of his way to defend the granting of a visa to Mustafa, seemed to take a hands-off approach to a visa application by a member of the parliament of a fellow Western democracy.
Scott Morrison, who, in a view consistent with standard Western-establishment thinking, considers both Mustafa and Wilders unsavory extremists, nonetheless found it disturbing that Australia’s ruling Labor Party “seems to be more concerned about some extreme views than others.” Indeed, there’s no question but that some highly placed members of the Australian government despise Wilders. The Minister of Multicultural Affairs, Kate Lundy, has described him as “an extreme-right politician promulgating views that are out of step with mainstream Australia.” And Senator Richard Di Natale has said that Wilders’s “hateful and divisive views are not welcome in Australia” (while adding that “to deny him a visa risks giving him more oxygen and publicity”).
Plainly, there’s some upside-down thinking going on down there in the southern hemisphere. They think – or some of them do, anyway – that if they let in the likes of Mustafa it’ll somehow appease the would-be rioters, and if they let in Wilders it’ll set them off. They don’t seem to understand that people obsessed with power only understand power – and that jihadists, sensitive to the slightest whiff of weakness, respond to appeasement only by pushing harder for yet more appeasement.
In any event, all this looking-glass thinking only goes to show just how desperately Australia needs to hear Wilders’s message – and to take a cue from his unshrinking, unflinching approach to the sheer evil represented by Mustafa and his ilk.
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